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DC Field | Value | Language |
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dc.contributor.author | Korsah, Sampson | - |
dc.date.accessioned | 2021-12-09T14:10:12Z | - |
dc.date.available | 2021-12-09T14:10:12Z | - |
dc.date.issued | 2009 | - |
dc.identifier.issn | 23105496 | - |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/6734 | - |
dc.description | 18p:, ill. | en_US |
dc.description.abstract | There seems to be an intricate connection between reduplication of indefinite DPs and clausal negation in Gã; the reduplication is only permitted in the presence of negation. Thus, such reduplicated DPs can be construed as negative polarity items (NPIs). In this paper, I provide a detailed description of the facts about this phenomenon following what has been reported for NPIs elsewhere. I show that the patterns we observe exhibit typical properties of strong and strict NPIs. Subsequently, I propose how such indefinite DPs can be accounted for both in frameworks which see NPIs as resulting from a negatively-valued polarity feature e.g. Giannakidou (2000), and also frameworks which treat NPIs as resulting from NEG-raising, particularly Collins & Postal (2014) | en_US |
dc.language.iso | en | en_US |
dc.publisher | University of Cape Coast | en_US |
dc.title | From polarity to reduplication in Gã | en_US |
dc.type | Article | en_US |
Appears in Collections: | Department of Ghanaian Languages & Linguistics |
Files in This Item:
File | Description | Size | Format | |
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From polarity to reduplication in Gã.pdf | Article | 574.21 kB | Adobe PDF | View/Open |
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