Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/6734
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dc.contributor.authorKorsah, Sampson-
dc.date.accessioned2021-12-09T14:10:12Z-
dc.date.available2021-12-09T14:10:12Z-
dc.date.issued2009-
dc.identifier.issn23105496-
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/123456789/6734-
dc.description18p:, ill.en_US
dc.description.abstractThere seems to be an intricate connection between reduplication of indefinite DPs and clausal negation in Gã; the reduplication is only permitted in the presence of negation. Thus, such reduplicated DPs can be construed as negative polarity items (NPIs). In this paper, I provide a detailed description of the facts about this phenomenon following what has been reported for NPIs elsewhere. I show that the patterns we observe exhibit typical properties of strong and strict NPIs. Subsequently, I propose how such indefinite DPs can be accounted for both in frameworks which see NPIs as resulting from a negatively-valued polarity feature e.g. Giannakidou (2000), and also frameworks which treat NPIs as resulting from NEG-raising, particularly Collins & Postal (2014)en_US
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.publisherUniversity of Cape Coasten_US
dc.titleFrom polarity to reduplication in Gãen_US
dc.typeArticleen_US
Appears in Collections:Department of Ghanaian Languages & Linguistics

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